A Washington Tragedy:

Bill & Hillary Clinton and the Suicide of Vincent Foster

(2nd edition, 2015)

Read:  Chapter One




In the midst of Detectives Tom Lange and Philip Vannatter's media war with Detective Mark Fuhrman, a convicted perjurer who had written his own book about the Simpson case, Fuhrman's publisher, Regnery Publishing approached Dan Moldea, and asked him to write a book about the death of Vincent Foster, the White House attorney who had been found shot to death at Fort Marcy Park in northern Virginia on July 20, 1993.  Regnery had recently rejected previous book proposals on the Foster case by Foster's secretary, Linda Tripp, and Fuhrman, who believed that Foster had been murdered.  (Both Tripp and Fuhrman were represented by literary agent Lucianne Goldberg.)

     Jumping into the fray, Moldea accepted Regnery's offer and interviewed every officer and official from the U.S. Park Police, which had jurisdiction at the Foster crime scene and conducted the formal investigation.  The USPP concluded that Foster had committed suicide.

     Just prior to the official search of Foster's office two days after his death, White House Counsel Bernard Nussbaum refused to permit representatives from the USPP and the Department of Justice to participate in the search, as previously agreed.  Then, four days later, another White House attorney discovered a torn-up note in Foster's briefcase, which had supposedly been examined during the official search.  The White House didn't notify the USPP about the note until thirty hours after it was found.

     In his story about the official investigations of Foster's death, Moldea--who concluded the Foster had, indeed, killed himself--chronicled how these White House missteps led to erroneous media stories that files had been illegally removed from Foster's office, which led to charges that these files were Whitewater related, which led to the appointment of independent counsel Robert Fiske, which led to an oversight hearing by the Senate Banking Committee, which led to the firing of Fiske and the hiring of Kenneth Starr as the second independent counsel, which led to the creation of the Senate Whitewater Committee, which led to the return to the Starr investigation, which led to allegations of President Bill Clinton's relationship with former White House intern Monica Lewinsky.

     When Moldea submitted his manuscript about the right-wing conspiracy against the Clintons, his publisher--Regnery Publishing, well-known as a conservative publisher of anti-Clinton books--greeted it with little enthusiasm.  For a brief period of time, Moldea, who clashed with the publishing house's editorial staff, believed that his book might not be released.  However, the project was saved by Regnery's president, Alfred Regnery--who protected the work and insisted that it be published as written.

     A Washington Tragedy was released in April 1998 in the midst of the Monica Lewinsky scandal--which had been orchestrated by Linda Tripp and Lucianne Goldberg--and Starr's continued investigation of Whitewater.

     Calling the book "a smart, chronological appraisal" of all the investigations of Foster's suicide, the Washington Post stated in its review:  "Although Moldea, a crime reporter of considerable repute and experience, uses his own investigations to clear up some of the troublesome questions about Foster's death, for the most part he is simply a neutral narrator, a levelheaded guide."  The Arkansas Democrat-Gazette, Clinton's hometown newspaper, wrote:  "Mindful of Moldea's reputation for accuracy and incorruptibility--books on Jimmy Hoffa and the Teamsters, the influence of organized crime on pro football, and the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy have won wide acclaim--Regnery approached him to write about the Foster suicide.  His book concludes that the Foster investigation was 'a no-brainer,' and that ugly rumors about his death were fueled by politically-motivated hack journalists in the pay of billionaire zealot Richard Mellon Scaife.  Such conclusions, of course, didn't make Regnery very happy."  The Legal Times commented that A Washington Tragedy was "superbly reported, a fascinating examination. . . . Readers who want to reward responsible rather than sensational reporting ought to buy Moldea's books."

     In Joe Conason and Gene Lyons's best-selling book, The Hunting of the President (St. Martin's, 2000), the authors wrote:  "Apart from the Fiske and Starr Reports, the most accurate, comprehensive account of the Foster suicide and its aftermath is A Washington Tragedy:  How the Death of Vincent Foster Ignited a Political Firestorm, by Dan E. Moldea."

     Also, Moldea discusses the Foster case in the 2004 film version of The Hunting of the President, directed by Harry Thomason.

     In its review of the documentary, the Seattle Times, stated:  "The last third of the film is devoted to its most important accusation:  How this campaign from the right came to dominate the post-Watergate, post-cable TV media.  The most damning talking head may be Dan Moldea, author of several books debunking conspiracy theories of both the left and right, who calls the press coverage of the Vincent Foster case "the most corrupt act of journalism I have ever seen."

OIC The OIC Leaks Controversy

     Prior to the release of A Washington Tragedy, Moldea had never published anything about President Bill Clinton or his administration, even though he had voted him in 1992 and 1996.

     The Foster case was an eye-opening, life-altering experience for Moldea.  Through his research, he had collected clear evidence that a dishonest, money-grubbing cabal of Clinton-haters--who shared information, covered up each other's mistakes, fabricated evidence, and received their funding from the same sources--had tried to portray Foster's suicide as a murder in a cynical effort to undermine the authority of the Clinton White House.

     Through this, Moldea realized what the President had been up against since his first inauguration in 1993:  His political enemies were prepared to do anything--and use anything--to remove him from office.  Consequently, when the Lewinsky scandal erupted in January 1998, Moldea decided to take sides and became an uninvited bit player in the war between the President and his enemies.  Upon the release of his book about Foster's suicide in April, he publicly announced his support for the President, along with his criticism of the Office of the Independent Counsel (OIC), during radio and television appearances.

     On May 19, 1998, during a speech at the Martin Luther King Library in downtown Washington, which was later broadcast by CNN, Moldea alleged that the OIC routinely leaked non-public information on an off-the-record basis to a selected group of journalists, many of whom had become shills and stalking horses for Kenneth Starr and the OIC.  He based these charges on his on-the-record conversations with members of the OIC staff during his research for the Foster book.

     Like Moldea, these journalists had taken sides in the dispute; but, unlike Moldea, they did not announce their biases, continuing instead to hide behind the First Amendment and to report for their news organizations under the false guise of objectivity.

     On May 27, during a television appearance on MSNBC, Moldea said, “I insist that this is not a fair investigation [of the President], and I believe that many reporters are becoming complicit in this particular situation.”  Moldea also charged that some journalists had become “cheerleaders” for Starr’s investigation and needed the President’s removal from office in order to justify their abuses and excesses.

     On June 6, the National Journal reported:  “Indeed, President Clinton believes that the independent counsel is breaking the law with leaks to reporters—and that the Washington Post and the New York Times are covering it up, [White House press secretary Mike] McCurry said in an interview.  ‘[President Clinton] asked me the other day why do the Washington Post and the New York Times cover up Dan Moldea and not write about that?’”

     Meantime, Moldea had promised that, if subpoenaed, he would cooperate with any investigation of the leaks, including the OIC’s own reported internal review.  Not surprisingly, the OIC, which claimed to be in the midst of an investigation of the illegal leaks, never contacted him.

     Then, after the release of an article in Brill's Content in mid-June, evidence evolved, showing that some of these journalists had taken information from their own sources and actually fed it to the OIC, which later identified these reporters in court records as confidential informants.

     In late July, in response to what many now considered a cooperative effort between OIC prosecutors and this group of Washington reporters, Moldea reluctantly revealed that he had legally tape recorded his on-the-record conversations with Starr's two deputies, Hickman Ewing and Jackie Bennett, upon whom he had based his original allegations about the OIC leaks.

     On August 24, 1998--a week after the President's appearance before the OIC's federal grand jury--Moldea attached the transcripts of these two conversations to an affidavit he filed with U.S. District Judge Norma Holloway Johnson, who had already ordered that Starr and the OIC be investigated for allegedly leaking secret information, illegally, to its stable of reporters.

     (The affidavit and attachments may be reviewed by clicking "Affidavit on OIC Leaks," as well as Judge Johnson's list of 24 allegedly illegal leaks.  Also see, Brett Kavanaugh and the OIC Leaks, as well as "Affidavit on OIC Leaks #2.")

     In his 1998 bestseller, And the Horse He Rode In On, Clinton defender James Carville wrote:  “One journalist finally had the temerity to step forward and explain how all this sensitive information had been coming out into the light of day.  Dan Moldea, a respected crime reporter with more than seven exhaustively investigated books under his belt, heard one of Starr’s emphatic denials and was so disgusted that he told his tale."

LFP The Flynt Project

     On November 23, 1998--as the OIC leaks investigation proceeded and the President's impeachment appeared inevitable over what many considered the criminalization of his personal life--a representative of Larry Flynt approached Moldea with an offer to investigate hypocrisy among the President's critics.  Specific targets were those who had conflicting standards of private behavior for public officials:  One for those they liked and another for those they didn't like.  Earlier, on October 4, Flynt had placed a full-page ad in the Washington Post, offering "up to a million dollars" to those who could provide proof of such hypocrisy.

     Even though Moldea had never targeted the private life of any public figure before, he accepted the assignment and was responsible for, among other investigations, the Flynt-backed probe of U.S. House Speaker-designate Bob Livingston (R-Louisiana), who announced his resignation from Congress on December 19, the same day as the impeachment of the President.

     In the wake of the political bloodbath on December 19 and as the impeachment matter headed for trial in the U.S. Senate, Maureen Dowd, a columnist for the New York Times, wrote:  “Ordinarily one would feel sorry for Mr. Livingston being outed.  But the Republicans have brought on themselves this sexual doomsday machine of Larry Flynt . . . by focusing so single-mindedly on Mr. Clinton’s sex life.”

      The Los Angeles Times added:  “Would it be at all ironic, then, if it turns out the white knight in this current round of sexual McCarthyism is the pornographer Larry Flynt. . . . Yet, if you believe him, Flynt would rather not publish the dirt he bought with his million-dollar reward.  In fact, he says, his intent is to stop the prying and probing into private sex lives altogether by applying his own brand of mutually assured destruction.”

     After Moldea's role was revealed by Newsweek as the Senate trial of the President began, Flynt and Moldea were widely accused of political terrorism with their campaign. Among other members of Congress, Senator Larry Craig (R-Idaho) insisted:  “Intimidation is something we have to resist.  You don’t negotiate with terrorists.  This is almost a terrorist-like tactic being used here.”

     When asked what he thought about the Flynt project, Senator Robert Torricelli (D-New Jersey) replied, “I think that--in fairness, if people are going to be involved in impeaching the President of the United States and the root cause is an extramarital affair--the chairman or a leader of the Congress engaged in that effort has to assume that, if they are similarly vulnerable, it will be exposed.  I think, it is relevant as a matter of hypocrisy.”

     Senator Frank Lautenberg, also a New Jersey Democrat, added, “Larry Flynt says his mission is against hypocrisy, and I think that’s a pretty good mission.”

     Bill Bennett, a self-appointed arbiter of American values and a member of the board of directors of one of Richard Scaife’s foundations, arrogantly lamented, “The American people—in their wisdom, thanks to White House spin and other things—regard Larry Flynt more favorably than they regard Ken Starr.  So much for the wisdom of the American people.”  (Public-opinion surveys taken in the midst of the impeachment trial also gave Flynt higher approval ratings than the Republican Congress.)

     Still alleging a relationship between the White House and the Flynt team, Senator Orrin Hatch (R-Utah) insisted, “I don’t know anybody who’s hiring these tough, mean investigators like has been done for the President.”  In fact, there was no relationship between the White House and the Flynt Project.

     “I don’t think there’s anybody on our team who’s getting much joy out of this,” Moldea told the Washington Times.  “When you start hurting families, that’s something that makes you pause and think about what’s going on.  But at the same time, I just haven’t seen any mercy shown towards Clinton—I mean, none, zero.”

     Prompted by the right-wing press—the Washington Times, the New York Post, the Wall Street Journal’s editorial page and Fox-TV, along with televangelist Jerry Falwell and beneficiaries of Richard Scaife’s grant money, among others—the Republican National Committee and the Landmark Legal Foundation filed formal complaints with the Criminal Division of the U.S. Department of Justice, charging Flynt and Moldea with obstructing the impeachment trial, blackmail, and jury-tampering.

     Of course, Flynt and Moldea denied the charges, which were not pressed.

     Moldea voluntarily left the Flynt operation on January 22, 1999, in the midst of the Senate trial--after Senator Robert Byrd (D-West Virginia) announced earlier in the day that he planned to propose a resolution to dismiss all charges against the President.  Moldea assumed then that the President would be acquitted, which he was on February 12.

     Two days after the President's acquittal, the New York Times reported:  "The shock waves of the Livingston resignation spread far beyond the West Wing of the White House, and had a sobering effect on members of Congress of both parties who might have been contemplating calling for Mr. Clinton to step down in the aftermath of the impeachment vote.

     "Fearful of the entire government unraveling, very few members of Congress joined a clamor for Mr. Clinton's resignation."

     Carol Lloyd of Salon, who published a story about the Flynt Project, quoted Moldea, saying:  “Since the beginning of his project Larry demonstrated restraint and compassion.  He demanded the highest standards of documentation and responsibility.  I believe that he was effective.  History will cite the resignation of Bob Livingston as well as Larry’s role in that decision as the critical moment that diffused the entire impeachment process, and I’m proud to have been associated with him.”

     In his controversial best-selling book, American Rhapsody (Knopf, 2000), author Joe Eszterhas published a chapter, "Larry Flynt Saves the Day," in which he wrote:  "The pornographer saved the president by threatening to reveal other acts of pornography committed by--this time Republican--politicians.  Larry Flynt was a hero, a self-appointed, self-financed Kenneth W. Starr. . . . He'd brought in a crack investigative reporter, Dan Moldea, who'd exposed Ronald Reagan's questionably close ties to Hollywood mogul Lew Wasserman and Teamster money, to run his million-dollar project."

     Defending his actions nine years later, Moldea told the Washington Post in a "Style" section profile about him, published on August 8, 2007, "There was a right-wing attempt to overthrow the executive branch of government, and I thought I could be sacrificed. . . . This was important enough for me to risk being destroyed."


16th anniversary of Bob Livington (12-20-2014)

A Washington Tragedyreleased (8-12-2015)

When Flynt and I nailed politicans, they stayed nailed (1-11-2016)

DEM on the leaks investigations, past (Clinton and the OIC) and present (Trump) (3-31-2017)

On today’s 25th anniversary of the suicide of Vincent Foster (7-20-2018)

My lunch with Brett Kavanaugh (8-22-2018)

Discussing Vince Foster the OIC leaks in the 2004, film, The Hunting of the President (8-23-2018)

The Columbia Journalismsupports my decision to discuss Brett Kavanaugh, aka “OIC #2” (8-27-2018)

My 2018 affidavit about Brett Kavanaugh and the OIC leaks (9-6-2018) 

Brett Kavanaugh was Ken Starr’s designated leaker (9-11-2018)

Responding to Kavanaugh and Starr:  “Neither . . . is telling the truth (9-13-2018)


DEM on the suicide of Vincent Foster, MSNBC (Keith Olbermann), "White House in Crisis," May 28, 1998Part One and Part Two



U.S. Park Police (USPP)


Renee Abt:  Crime-scene investigator

Cheryl Braun:  Crime-scene investigator

Robert Edwards:  Sergeant at crime scene

Franz Ferstl:  Reporting officer at crime scene

Kevin Fornshill:  Officer who found Vincent Foster's body

Patrick Gavin:  Lieutenant and shift commander at crime scene

Shelly Hill:  Identification technician at autopsy

Robert Hines:  Major, media liaison

Christine Hodakievic:  Officer at crime scene

Charles Hume:  Captain who directed Foster investigation; present at search of Foster's office

Wayne Johnson:  Identification technician at autopsy

Robert Kass:  Lieutenant who accompanied John Rolla to Jim Hamilton's office to review Foster's documents

Robert Langston:  Chief of the U.S. Park Police

Danny Lawston:  Supervisor of USPP crime lab

Pete Markland:  Chief detective of the Foster case; present at search of Foster's office

Joe Megby:  Detective who picked up Foster's torn-up note

Jim Morrissette:  Detective at autopsy

John Rolla:  Lead investigator at crime scene; reviewed Foster's documents in Hamilton's office

Larry Romans:  Head of the photo lab; tried to develop underexposed crime-scene photographs

Robert Rule:  Sergeant at autopsy

Peter Simonello:  Chief criminalist on Foster case

Eugene Smith:  Criminalist who inventoried Foster's car and fingerprinted his gun; Simonello's partner

Julie Spetz:  Officer at crime scene

William Watson:  Officer at crime scene


Fairfax County Fire and Rescue Department (FCFRD)


Richard Arthur:  Paramedic, Medic One; believed Foster had been murdered

Corey Ashford:  Rescue worker, Ambulance One; believed Foster had been murdered

William Bianchi:  Lieutenant, Truck One

George Gonzales:  Paramedic, Medic One; claimed by Christopher Ruddy to have found Foster's body

Todd Hall:  Firefighter, Medic One; first rescue worker to arrive at Foster's body

Roger Harrison:  Rescue worker, Ambulance One

James Iacone:  Firefighter, Engine One

Victoria Jacobs:  Firefighter, Truck One

Andrew Makuch:  Firefighter, Truck One

Ralph Pisani:  Firefighter, Engine One

Jennifer Wacha:  Rescue worker, Engine One


Fairfax County medical examiner's office/hospital staff


Dr. James Beyer:  Coroner, performed Foster's autopsy

Dr. Donald Haut:  Medical examiner, pronounced Foster dead at the crime scene

Dr. Julian Orenstein:  Attending physician, Fairfax Hospital; initially examined Foster's body


Secret Service


Bruce Abbott:  West Wing guard; saw Craig Livingstone carrying a box on the morning after Foster's death

Don Flynn:  Guarded Foster's office; present at search of Foster's office

Paul Imbordino:  Present at search of Foster's office

Dennis Martin:  Inspector who escorted Hume and Markland at the White House on the day after Foster's death

Henry O'Neill:  Officer who claimed that Maggie Williams removed a box on the night of Foster’s death

John Skyles:  Officer who was the last known person to see Foster as he left the White House


FBI (working with USPP)


Robert Bryant:  Special agent-in-charge, Washington field office

Dennis Condon:  Special agent; present at search of Foster's office

John Danna:  Special agent

Scott Salter:  Special agent; present at search of Foster's office


U. S. Department of Justice


Roger Adams:  Senior attorney; present at search of Foster's office

Philip Heymann:  Deputy U.S. attorney general; clashed with Bernard Nussbaum over search of Foster's office

Webster Hubbell:  Associate U.S. attorney general; partner of Foster and Hillary Clinton in Rose Law Firm

David Margolis:  Senior attorney; present at search of Foster's office

Janet Reno:  U.S. Attorney General, appointed Robert Fiske as independent counsel

Michael Shaheen:  Counsel, Office of Professional Responsibility

Carl Stern:  Justice Department spokesman


White House personnel


Bill Burton:  Assistant chief of staff; present at search of Foster's office

Lisa Caputo:  Mrs. Clinton's press secretary; present when she received the news of Foster's death

Tom Castleton:  Staff assistant, Counsel's Office

Bill Clinton:  President of the United States; life-long friend of Foster, whom he called the night before his death

Hillary Rodham Clinton:  First Lady; former law partner of Foster, Hubbell, and Kennedy at the Rose Law Firm

Lloyd Cutler:  Nussbaum's successor as White House counsel

Helen Dickey:  Staff assistant

Mark Gearan:  White House communications director

David Gergen:  Presidential advisor

Deborah Gorham:  Foster's executive assistant

Carolyn Huber:  Presidential aide; former office manager of the Rose Law Firm

William Kennedy:  Associate counsel; took the fall in Travelgate; former law partner in Rose Law Firm

Bruce Lindsey:  Assistant to the President

Craig Livingstone:  Chief of White House security

Thomas "Mack" McLarty:  Chief of staff; informed the President and First Lady of Foster's death

Abner Mikva:  Cutler's successor as White House counsel

Dee Myers:  Presidential spokeswoman

Stephen Neuwirth:  Associate counsel; present at search of Foster's office; found torn-up note in Foster's briefcase

Bernard Nussbaum:  White House Counsel; conducted search of Foster's office

Betsy Pond:  Assistant to Nussbaum

Jack Quinn:  Mikva's successor as White House counsel

Marsha Scott:  Deputy assistant to the President; spoke to Foster the day before his death

Ricki Seidman:  Assistant to the President

Clifford Sloan:  Deputy attorney in Counsel's Office; present at search of Foster's office

George Stephanopoulos:  Presidential aide

Patsy Thomasson:  Entered Foster's office on the night of his death with Nussbaum and Maggie Williams

Linda Tripp:  Nussbaum's executive assistant; last White House staffer to have seen Foster alive

David Watkins:  Director of personnel; accompanied the USPP to notify Lisa Foster of her husband's death

Margaret Williams:  Mrs. Clinton's chief of staff; entered Foster's office on the night of his death


Foster family and associates


Sheila Foster Anthony:  Assistant attorney general; Foster's sister; tried to persuade her brother to see a psychiatrist

Beryl Anthony:  Former congressman; Sheila's husband; gave Foster a list of attorneys for his legal concerns

Lee Bowman:  Foster's nephew

Sharon Bowman:  Foster's sister in Little Rock

Brugh Foster:  Foster's youngest child

Elizabeth (Lisa) Foster:  Foster's wife

Laura Foster:  Foster's daughter

Vincent Foster, Sr:  Foster's father who owned a gun collection

Vincent Foster, III:  Foster's oldest child

James Hamilton:  Attorney for Foster family; received Foster's personal papers after the search of his office

Dr. Robert Hedaya:  Washington psychiatrist who expected but did not receive Foster's call

John Sloan:  Executor of Foster's estate

Michael Spafford:  Hamilton's law partner; present at search of Foster's office

Dr. Larry Watkins:  Foster's personal physician in Little Rock


Whitewater-related principals


Robert Barnett:  Attorney for the Clintons; received most or all of their personal files from Foster's office

Brantley Buck:  Attorney, Rose Law Firm; worked on the Clintons' blind trust with Foster

David Hale:  Owner, Capital Management Services; testified against the McDougals and Tucker

David Kendall:  Law partner of Barnett; attorney for the Clintons

James Lyons:  Denver attorney who prepared the Clintons' 1992 response about Whitewater

James McDougal:  Owner of Madison Guaranty; the Clintons' partner in the Whitewater Corporation

Susan McDougal:  McDougal's wife; partner in Whitewater

Susan Thomases:  New York attorney and close friend of Mrs. Clinton

Jim Guy Tucker:  Arkansas governor implicated in Whitewater-related activities

Seth Ward:  Hubbell's father-in-law who was implicated in the Castle Grande real-estate deal


Office of Independent Counsel (OIC)


Dr. Alan Berman:  Executive director, American Association of Suicidology; worked for Starr

Dr. Brian Blackbourne:  Chief medical examiner of San Diego; worked for Starr

John D. Butzner:  Member, three-judge panel that selected Starr and supervised the OIC

William Colombell:  FBI special agent; worked for Fiske and Starr

Harry Edwards:  U.S. Court of Appeals judge, D.C. Circuit

Hickman Ewing:  Starr's senior counsel

Robert Fiske:  First independent counsel on Foster case, appointed by Janet Reno

Dr. Charles Hirsch:  New York City's chief medical examiner; worked on forensic matters for Fiske

Roderick C. Lankler:  Fiske's senior counsel

Dr. Henry Lee:  Chief, Connecticut State Police Forensic Science Laboratory; forensic expert for Starr

Dr. James Luke:  Worked on forensic matters for Fiske

Larry Monroe:  FBI special agent; worked for Fiske and Starr

Steve Parker:  Attorney under Starr

Miquel Rodriguez:  Attorney under Starr; suggested that a police cover-up in Foster's death existed

Judge David Sentelle:  Member, three-judge panel that selected Starr and supervised the OIC

Judge Joseph T. Sneed:  Member, three-judge panel that selected Starr and supervised the OIC

Kenneth Starr:  Second independent counsel on Foster case and Whitewater

Mark J. Stein:  Attorney under Fiske

Carl J. Stich:  Attorney under Fiske

Mark Tuohey:  Attorney under Starr


Congressional investigators


Richard Ben-Veniste:  Special minority counsel, Senate Whitewater Committee

David Bonior:  U.S. representative; critic of Rep. Dan Burton

Dan Burton:  U.S. representative; believed Foster's body had been moved to Fort Marcy Park

Michael Chertoff:  Majority counsel, Senate Committee on Whitewater

William Clinger:  U.S. representative who chaired House investigations of Travelgate and Foster’s death

Alfonse D'Amato:  U.S. senator; chairman, Senate Whitewater Committee

Bob Dole:  Senate majority leader; 1996 GOP candidate for President

Lauch Faircloth:  U.S. senator; member, Senate Committee on Whitewater

Newt Gingrich:  Speaker of the U.S. House

Henry Gonzalez:  U.S. representative; chairman, House Banking Committee

Donald Riegle:  U.S. senator; chairman, Senate Banking Committee during 1994 oversight hearing

Richard Shelby:  U.S. senator; Republican member of Senate Whitewater Committee




Robert Anderson:  CBS's Sixty Minutes

R.W. Apple:  New York Times

Karen Ball:  New York Daily News

Robert Bartley:  Wall Street Journal

Paul Bedard:  Washington Times

Sidney Blumenthal:  New Yorker

Rebecca Borders:  American Spectator

Peter Boyer:  New Yorker

David Brock:  Author, The Seduction of Hillary Rodham

John Broder:  Los Angeles Times

Richard Brookhiser:  National Review

John Brummett:  Author, High Wire

Matthew Cooper:  U.S. News & World Report; New Republic

David Corn:  The Nation

John Corry:  American Spectator

Jamie Dettmer:  Insight

Jason DeParle:  New York Times

Ann Devroy:  Washington Post

Thomas Ferraro:  New York Post

William Gaines:  Chicago Tribune

Jeff Gerth:  New York Times

Paul Gigot:  Wall Street Journal

Joseph Goulden:  Accuracy in Media

Michael Hedges:  Washington Times

Brit Hume:  ABC News

Gwen Ifill:  New York Times

Michael Isikoff:  Washington Post; Newsweek

Douglas Jehl:  New York Times

David Johnston:  New York Times

Ted Koppel:  ABC's Nightline

Tom Kuntz:  New York Times

Howard Kurtz:  Washington Post

Stephen Labaton:  New York Times

Anthony Lewis:  New York Times

Neil Lewis:  New York Times

Gene Lyons:  Arkansas Democrat Gazette

Catherine Manegold:  New York Times

Ruth Marcus:  Washington Post

Mike McAlary:  New York Daily News

David Michelmore:  Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Micah Morrison:  Wall Street Journal

Robert O'Harrow:  Washington Post

Ronald Ostrow:  Los Angeles Times

Walter Pincus:  Washington Post

Ellen Joan Pollock:  Wall Street Journal

Wesley Pruden:  Washington Times

Tim Russert:  NBC's Meet the Press

William Safire:  New York Times

Susan Schmidt:  Washington Post

Jerry Seper:  Washington Times

James Stewart:  Author, Blood Sport

Michael Tackett:  Chicago Tribune

David Von Drehle:  Washington Post

Mike Wallace:  CBS's Sixty Minutes

Russell Watson:  Newsweek

Tim Weiner:  New York Times

Philip Weiss:  New York Times Magazine

James Wooten:  ABC News

Byron York:  American Spectator

Pete Yost:  Associated Press


Witnesses in and around Fort Marcy Park


Judith Doody:  Accompanied Mark Feist to Fort Marcy for a picnic, saw a shirtless man in a car in the parking lot

Mark Feist:  Accompanied Doody to Fort Marcy for a picnic

Jim Ferris:  Driver on parkway; saw car cut in front of him and enter Fort Marcy

Patrick Knowlton:  Saw a man behaving suspiciously in the parking lot at Fort Marcy

Dale Kyle:  The mystery man in the white van; first person to find Foster's body

Jean Slade:  Washington lobbyist whose Mercedes broke down near the entrance to Fort Marcy

Francis Swann:  NPS employee at Turkey Run Park; called 911 after being told by Kyle of a body at Fort Marcy


Critics and Clinton-haters


David Bossie:  Investigator for Floyd Brown; staffer for Representative Dan Burton and Senator Lauch Faircloth

Floyd Brown:  Chairman, Citizens United

Jim Davidson:  Editor, Strategic Investment; chairman, National Taxpayers Union

Ambrose Evans-Pritchard:  Author, The Secret Life of Bill Clinton; alleged that Foster had been murdered

Jerry Falwell:  Preacher; right-wing activist; supported documentaries that accused the Clintons of murder

Joseph Farah:  Executive director, Western Journalism Center

Reed Irvine:  Executive director, Accuracy in Media

Michael Kellett:  Author, The Murder of Vince Foster; accused the Clintons of being behind the crime

G. Gordon Liddy:  Talk-show host who was first approached by the mystery man in the white van.

Rush Limbaugh:  Talk-show host who alleged that Foster had been killed in an apartment owned by Mrs. Clinton

Pat Matrisciana:  Chairman, Citizens for Honest Government; owner, Jeremiah Films

Thomas McArdle:  Investor's Business Daily

Larry Nichols:  Ex-Arkansas state official who had filed suit against Governor Clinton

James Norman:  Reporter, Forbes, Media Bypass

Larry Patterson:  Arkansas state trooper

Roger Perry:  Arkansas state trooper

Pat Robertson:  Televangelist

Chris Ruddy:  Reporter, New York Post, Pittsburgh Tribune-Review; author, The Strange Death of Vincent Foster

Vincent Scalice:  Former NYPD detective; key source for Ruddy

William Sessions:  Former FBI director; supporter of Ruddy's work

Hugh Sprunt:  Dallas-based tax attorney who began investigating Foster's death as a hobby

Richard Scaife:  Heir to banking fortune, financier of right-wing groups and Foster conspiracy theories

R. Emmett Tyrrell:  Editor, American Spectator


Other important characters


Michael Cardozo:  Washington attorney; owner of an estate on the Eastern Shore

Paula Jones:  Filed 1994 sexual-harassment suit against President Clinton

Larry King:  Talk-show host, Larry King Live

Monica Lewinsky:  White House intern who confided to Linda Tripp her relationship with the President

Larry Lockhart:  U.S. Capitol Police handwriting expert

Donna McLarty:  Mack McLarty's wife who had lunch with Mrs. Foster on the afternoon of his death

John Garrett Penn:  U.S. District judge, Starr v. Hamilton, Knowlton v. U.S., et al

Gordon Rather:  Little Rock attorney who called Foster on the day of his death

Philip Stinson:  Attorney for Officer Fornshill

Ileene Watkins:  David Watkins's wife who was among those who alleged that Foster and Mrs. Clinton had an affair